MUD needs to participate in the 20% signature drive, but on its terms: creating parallel mechanisms for disenfranchised people to formally register their disenfranchisement, and setting the stage for a campaign of civil disobedience.
As the government's chief tactician and the power behind the CNE throne, Jorge Rodríguez's job is to keep the opposition divided. But last night's decision, which kills the Recall Referendum cold, will do just the opposite.
Leave it to PDVSA to make the biggest financial announcement of the year via a Facebook post. We took the time to demystify the deal PDVSA is offering and ask: is The Swap going to succeed? Or is PDVSA miscalculating badly?
I went to visit my sister in Ciudad Betania, a sprawling complex of five GMVV housing projects just outside Ocumare del Tuy. They're pretty screwed up places. Well, four out of the five are. Then there's Betania II.
Every merideño grew up knowing there was something special about this place, "a university with a city inside." Mérida isn't like Venezuela. Or it never had been. It sure wasn't supposed to be. Now it is.
When Carlos Ocariz proposed an ambitious new transport scheme for his municipio, his announcement was met with a wall of cynicism. How did this corrosive sense all social policy is clientelism become enshrined?
Until relatively recently Venezuela's financial sector floated above the maelstrom of economic dislocation all around. But the economic crisis now engulfing Venezuela is now so big, it’s no longer possible to escape unscathed. Here's why you should care.
My neighbor Julio did everything right — worked, planned, invested for the future. I recently went with him to see his campo, the small farm he'd staked everything on. There's...virtually nothing left.
There are two options when confronting Caracazo: digesting it, or spitting it out. Either we see it as an Estallido Social of shortsightedness and savage chaos, or as the awareness-creating moment of a massive political movement against imperialist neoliberalism. Two readings, two Venezuelas.
27F filled our homes with ghosts, with espantos. The faces of the dead, which some tried to erase from memory. The sense of what it's like to lose any trace of the rule of law. The voices of the prophets who told us that other tragedies would come. We were never the same after those days in 1989.
Today, an exclusive: La Vida Bohème created this video as backup visuals for their live shows following their second, Grammy-winning album, Será. It's never been shown outside that context...until today. The piece was curated by Armando Añez, also a Venezuelan musician, currently known as Recordatorio.
El Sacudón started in Guarenas and soon spread to Caracas and other cities. By noon of the 28th, the government finally responded, and with extreme force. So the biggest riots in modern Venezuelan history became the biggest exhibition of military and police brutality.
Before we start questioning why a social upheaval has not yet broken out this year, we have to come to terms with Caracazo's political meaning. The similarities are deceiving, and the bets for a second coming are disingenuous, or misguided. The Caracazo, you see, never really left.
After years of policy paralysis, Venezuela simply ran out of money when oil prices failed to recover in time. Sound familiar? Reading about Venezuela’s economic conditions in 1989 is a drawn out exercise in déjà vu. But how real are the parallels, and to what extent do we forget about the differences?
The Caracazo is ingrained in our collective psyche so deeply it’s now more myth than event. There are as many different versions of what happened out there as there are agendas prompting them. But what really happened? In the first of a three-part series, we look at what actually happened in Venezuela betwen February 27th and March 2nd, 1989.
CARACAZO in the Media - Curated by Gustavo Hernández A.